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| A Case of the Economic Shivers | The Democrats' Drive-by Politics for 2006 |
by Christopher Chantrill
June 11, 2006 at 6:16 pm
THE GOOD THING about the reelection of President Bush in 2004, according to Matthew Parris this week in the London Times, is that it gave a chance for the neoconservative project to be tested to destruction. He refers to a May 2004 piece in which he wrote:
What the President and his advisers are trying to do will be a colossal failure. But failure takes time to show itself beyond contradiction. The theory that liberal values and a capitalist economic system can be spread across the world by force of arms, and that the United States of America is competent to undertake this task, is the first big idea of the 21st Century. It should be tested to destruction.
Since that colossal failure cannot come soon enough, the international media has not been too enthusiastic about the death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi last week. Despite a small victory George W. Bush, his neoconservative cabal, and Middle America just dont get it.
On the other hand Austin Bay compares the war on terror with the Cold War against the Soviet Union and President Bush to President Truman. He writes:
Harry Truman prepared America for the Cold War -- and at West Point, Mr. Bush compared our time to that of Truman, circa 1950. Mr. Bush noted Truman laid the foundation for freedoms victory in the Cold War. Then he said his own administration is laying the foundation for victory in our new long war.
In this new long war, what Norman Podhoretz has called World War IV, the strategy of containment that President Truman formulated in the pivotal NSC-68 of 1950 has been replaced with a new strategy that President Bush calls the forward strategy of freedom. Continues Austin Bay:
A forward strategy of freedom means fostering development of states where the consent of the governed creates legitimacy and where terrorists are prosecuted, not promoted. This strategy requires nation-building.
So Matthew Parris and Austin Bay are essentially agreed about the Bush strategy. The difference is that Parris experiences the Bush strategy as reckless hubris, a wild gesture of imperial overreach, and Austin Bay experiences it as sober realism, the first step in a long and arduous march.
The Bush forward strategy is merely a return to the default western strategy of the last half millennium. Before the First World War western nations believed that their destiny was to expand the light of reason and trade to the uttermost ends of the world, and they acted upon their beliefs. It was the Bolshevik menace and post colonial guilt, not to mention the exhaustion from two world wars, that forced the resort to containment.
Lee Harris states the western argument in Civilization and Its Enemies. The conflict in which we are engaged, he asserts, is one between the productive western team and the eternal gang of ruthless men, or more directly, between the adult mens team and the teenage boys gang. The western team culture is one of service, transparency, trust, and the rule of law to mitigate power. But the eternal gang of ruthless men is a culture of pure power, of mistrust and routine betrayal.
At one pole is the world of global trade and commerce, with business enterprises obtaining finance in one country, design in other, parts from a third, and assembly in a fourth. It is a realm of trust that extends from one end of the global middle class to the other.
But then there is the world of the gang. It is a world of mistrust and betrayal, with thug lefty dictators, thug mullah dictators, thug secular dictators, thug populist military dictators, and just plain thugs like Abu Musab al-Zarqawi.
When you divide the world into productive teams and ruthless gangs then the analysis of Matthew Parris is absurd. If Bush fails then we just pick ourselves up and start again.
But would the next Democratic president do that? Will she review the forward strategy of freedom after the mess of Iraq and ratify it, as President Eisenhower in 1953 ratified the containment strategy of NSC-68 after the mess of the Korean War? Or will she reverse it? As of today, we do not know, and neither does she.
Let us return close to home. Perhaps the real conflict in the war on terror is not the battle of Iraq but the battles of Toronto, London, Madrid, and Denmark. The home-grown jihadis are not testing President Bush and the neoconservative project but something else. They are probing the west at its weakest point, the soft underbelly of the secular, single, childless welfare state beloved of the scribbling classes. They seem to be testing victimology, multiculturalism, and diversity to destruction.
In that case the only way to beat the jihadist menace would be to abandon the welfare state and repudiate its bribed apologists.
Christopher Chantrill blogs at americanmanifestobook.blogspot.com.
Buy his Road to the Middle Class.
When we began first to preach these things, the people appeared as awakened from the sleep of agesthey seemed to see for the first time that they were responsible beings...
Finke, Stark, The Churching of America, 1776-1990
In 1911... at least nine million of the 12 million covered by national insurance were already members of voluntary sick pay schemes. A similar proportion were also eligible for medical care.
Green, Reinventing Civil Society
We have met with families in which for weeks together, not an article of sustenance but potatoes had been used; yet for every child the hard-earned sum was provided to send them to school.
E. G. West, Education and the State
Law being too tenuous to rely upon in [Ulster and the Scottish borderlands], people developed patterns of settling differences by personal fighting and family feuds.
Thomas Sowell, Conquests and Cultures
The primary thing to keep in mind about German and Russian thought since
1800 is that it takes for granted that the Cartesian, Lockean or Humean scientific and
philosophical conception of man and nature... has been shown by indisputable evidence to be
inadequate.
F.S.C. Northrop, The Meeting of East and West
Inquiry does not start unless there is a problem... It is the problem and its
characteristics revealed by analysis which guides one first to the relevant facts and then,
once the relevant facts are known, to the relevant hypotheses.
F.S.C. Northrop, The Logic of the Sciences and the Humanities
But I saw a man yesterday who knows a fellow who had it from a chappie
that said that Urquhart had been dipping himself a bit recklessly off the deep end.
Freddy Arbuthnot
Dorothy L. Sayers, Strong Poison
I mean three systems in one: a predominantly market economy; a polity respectful of the rights of the individual to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and a system of cultural institutions moved by ideals of liberty and justice for all.
In short, three dynamic and converging systems functioning as one: a democratic polity, an economy based on markets and incentives, and a moral-cultural system which is plural and, in the largest sense, liberal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism
The incentive that impels a man to act is always some uneasiness...
But to make a man act [he must have]
the expectation that purposeful behavior has the power to remove
or at least to alleviate the felt uneasiness.
Ludwig von Mises, Human Action
[In the] higher Christian churches... they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm
When we received Christ, Phil added, all of a sudden we now had a rule book to go by, and when we had problems the preacher was right there to give us the answers.
James M. Ault, Jr., Spirit and Flesh
The recognition and integration of extralegal property rights [in the Homestead Act] was a key element in the United States becoming the most important market economy and producer of capital in the world.
Hernando de Soto, The Mystery of Capital