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| Stand Up for Wal-Mart | Iraq Election: Left World, Our World |
by Christopher Chantrill
December 11, 2005 at 7:05 pm
ON TUESDAY December 6, David Cameron was elected leader of the British Conservative Party. Hes the fourth leader since 1997 when John Major was defeated by Tony Blair and his New Labour Party. Can he breathe life into the party, unlike his predecessors, William Hague, Iain Duncan Smith, and Michael Howard?
Perhaps he can, because it is beginning to look as though the Labour Party is going the way of all British Labour governments. Sooner or later they all run out of money, according to Tory stalwart Ken Clarke.
Back in 1997 it looked as though New Labour had learned from the mistakes of Third Way compadre, Bill Clinton. When Clinton came up to bat as president he promptly hit into a double play, enacting a big tax increase and pushing a huge government takeover of health care that prompted the American people to elect a Republican Congress in 1994. Tony Blair learned from Clintons mistake. He promised not to increase income tax rates and not to increase spendingâ€â€at least, not for a while. So the British economic boom that had started in 1992 continued, and Blair established a reputation for economic competence that led to reelection in 2001 and 2005. But the British people, encouraged by the chattering classes, wanted the government to improve public services, and so Blair promised to invest in the creaking centralized welfare state of government education, government health care, and government transport systems and deliver the world class public services that Britain deserved.
Since 1997, Tony Blairs government has invested billions into health and education, ballooning British government spending from 38 percent of GDP to an expected 44 percent this year or next. The government has added some 800,000 workers to bolster education and health care, but the productivity of the government sector has gone down, dragging the rest of the economy with it. And now Labour is running out of money.
Back in the 1980s Margaret Thatcher got into a heap of trouble by saying there is no such thing as the state. What she actually said in her interview with Womens Own magazine in 1987 was:
[T]oo many people have been given to understand that if they have a problem, its the governments job to cope with it... Theyre casting their problem on society. And you know, there is no such thing as society. There are individual men and women, and there are families.
At the opposite end of the spectrum there are many people on the left (try this on one of them) that cannot grasp the difference between society and government. When they say that society should so something, they cannot imagine anything but a new government program. But the essence of the conservative vision since Edmund Burke is to insist that there is a middle ground between government and the individual, the Burkean little platoons and the mediating structures of Berger and Neuhaus in Empowering People. In this middle ground are the other ingredients that go into the social pie: families, churches, associations, charities, foundations, mutual-aid societies, and labor unions.
Now comes David Cameron, and he is saying, again and again, in speech after speech:
There is such a thing as society. Its just not the same thing as the state.
You can see what that is all about. It is a cunning third way, or at least it wants to be, between the no such thing as society of Thatcher and the mindless conflation of society and state that derails the left-wing vision into universal compulsion, the inability to imagine a world that is deeper, richer, more civilized than the modernist windswept plaza across which individual and government confront each other without shelter from the mediating institutions that break up the cruel winds of power.
Some commentators worry that David Cameron is young and untested, a pretty face with a single speech. But at 39, he has been in politics most of his adult life, doing research at Conservative Party headquarters and staffing for John Major and others in the last Conservative government. Above all, he is experienced in the skills and the techniques of presenting a political party through the modern media.
With Camerons election to Tory Party leader it is clear that Anglo-Saxon conservatism, while differing in presentation and style from one side of the Atlantic to the other, is united in a grand vision of society. Its central themes, east and west of the pond, are the separation of powers, the differentiation of society into Michael Novaks political, economic, and moral/cultural sectors, and a thriving civil society of families, churches, associations, and clubs.
There is a difference between society and state.
Christopher Chantrill blogs at americanmanifestobook.blogspot.com.
Buy his Road to the Middle Class.
[T]he way to achieve a system of determining admission to the public schools on a nonracial basis,
Brown II, 349 U. S., at 300301, is to stop assigning students on a racial basis. The way to stop
discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.
Roberts, C.J., Parents Involved in Community Schools vs. Seattle School District
[In the] higher Christian churches... they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm
[Every] sacrifice is an act of impurity that pays for a prior act of greater impurity... without its participants having to suffer the full consequences incurred by its predecessor. The punishment is commuted in a process that strangely combines and finesses the deep contradiction between justice and mercy.
Frederick Turner, Beauty: The Value of Values
Within Pentecostalism the injurious hierarchies of the wider world are abrogated and replaced by a single hierarchy of faith, grace, and the empowerments of the spirit... where groups gather on rafts to take them through the turbulence of the great journey from extensive rural networks to the mega-city and the nuclear family...
David Martin, On Secularization
When recurrently the tradition of the virtues is regenerated, it is always in everyday life, it is always through the engagement by plain persons in a variety of practices, including those of making and sustaining families and households, schools, clinics, and local forms of political community.
Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue
What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph
These emerge out of long-standing moral notions of freedom, benevolence, and the affirmation of ordinary life... I have been sketching a schematic map... [of] the moral sources [of these notions]... the original theistic grounding for these standards... a naturalism of disengaged reason, which in our day takes scientistic forms, and a third family of views which finds its sources in Romantic expressivism, or in one of the modernist successor visions.
Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self
There was nothing new about the Frankish drive to the east... [let] us recall that the continuance of their rule depended upon regular, successful, predatory warfare.
Richard Fletcher, The Barbarian Conversion
The Union publishes an exact return of the amount of its taxes; I can get copies of the budgets of the four and twenty component states; but who can tell me what the citizens spend in the administration of county and township?
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America
The recognition and integration of extralegal property rights [in the Homestead Act] was a key element in the United States becoming the most important market economy and producer of capital in the world.
Hernando de Soto, The Mystery of Capital
The primary thing to keep in mind about German and Russian thought since
1800 is that it takes for granted that the Cartesian, Lockean or Humean scientific and
philosophical conception of man and nature... has been shown by indisputable evidence to be
inadequate.
F.S.C. Northrop, The Meeting of East and West
The incentive that impels a man to act is always some uneasiness...
But to make a man act [he must have]
the expectation that purposeful behavior has the power to remove
or at least to alleviate the felt uneasiness.
Ludwig von Mises, Human Action